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African American chemists: A missing
chapter in the sociology of science
Abstract
That African Americans have suffered discrimination over a long period of United
States history is well established. The United States' scientific community reflects the
values of the larger society in its social structures, beliefs, and attitudes. Despite
more than a century's presence among Ph.D. scientists, there have been few studies that
focus on the career experiences of African American scientists. This is especially true
for chemists. The African American scientist was viewed historically as an anomaly and
currently as a statistical rarity. The achievements of many African American scientists
have been largely hidden, ignored, or diminished in importance. This neglect results from
the fact that much of the knowledge about the career experiences of African American
scientists lies dormant, infrequently cited, and rarely interpreted.
This paper seeks to fill part of the existing gap in the social studies of science literature on this segment of the United States' scientific community. The paper employs an interdisciplinary perspective not only to clarify issues but also to demonstrate connections past, present, and future. This perspective offers a rich approach to understanding the factors that impact on the career patterns of African Americans in the American chemistry community.
Data for this study were derived from extensive personal interviews with a national sample of African American males and females who earned their Ph.D.s in chemistry before 1994. Most of the respondents are employed in academe, industry, government, or are self-employed; a few are retired or semi-retired.
The paper provides a descriptive account of the experiences of African Americans as they moved through critical transition points in the educational pipeline to become professional chemists. For some, this meant negotiating barriers imposed by both de jure and de facto segregation in the United States. The paper discusses the respondents' perceptions of the impact of race and gender on their scientific careers. The consistency of certain patterns suggests that structural factors serve to limit the full participation of African Americans in the scientific community.
Introduction
Historically in the United States, the scientific enterprise has operated under the
assumption that science and technical competencies are disproportionately concentrated
among European American males. This is reflected in two major ways. First, in that the
talent pool from which scientists and engineers have been drawn traditionally consists
largely of European American males. Second, that despite more than a century's presence
among Ph.D. scientists, there have been few studies that focus on the career experiences
of African American scientists (Jay, 1971, Pearson, 1985).
Even less is known about African American chemists (Young and Young 1976). Besides general biographic accounts of the careers of George Washington Carver and Percy L. Julian (Haber, 1970), little is known about the majority of African-Americans who earned their doctorates in chemistry after 1916 (Hawkins, 1982; Greene, 1946; Downing, 1939; Julian, 1969; Massie, 1982; Meier, 1982). This research seeks to fill part of the existing gap in the social studies of science literature on this segment of the American scientific community. This research is based on the premise that the use of an interdisciplinary perspective not only clarifies issues but demonstrates connections among the past, present and future. In short, an interdisciplinary perspective offers a rich approach to understanding those factors which impacted on the careers of African-Americans in the American chemistry community.
That African Americans have suffered discrimination over a long period of American history is well established and the voluminous literature need not be cited here. Although many scholars speculate that science is no exception, most have drawn such inferences from studies of the careers of European American women scientists (Abir-Am and Outram, 1988; Roscher and Cavanaugh, 1987; Rossiter, 1982; Mozans, 1974; Mulkey, 1988) and the individual careers of a few African American scientists (Manning, 1983; Julian, 1969) (For an exception, see Pearson, 1985.) The primary reason for the exclusion of African Americans in studies of scientific careers of Ph.D. scientists is attributed to their small numbers (Cole and Cole, 1973). These small numbers must be placed in the context of discrimination in the scientific enterprise in the United States.
Discrimination in Science
Most studies of discrimination in science have focused on Jews and European American
women. According to Zuckerman (1977), Jewish academic scientists traditionally were more
likely to be physicists than chemists because of the long-standing inhospitality to them
in chemistry. Rossiter (1982) also asserts that Jews were well aware that they were not
welcome in the chemical industry in the 1920s and 1930s. Despite the dramatic increase in
the proportion of Jews in science following World War II, Lipset and Ladd (1971) report
that Jews were heavily concentrated in biochemistry and bacteriology. These fields are
closely related to the highly prestigious field of medicine where Jews believed that they
were least subject to prejudice.
Rossiter (1982) paints a stark picture of women in science in the early 1900s. She argues that having advanced degrees in science did not necessarily lead to desirable employment for women. In fact, many women were unable to find employment in the scientific community. Similarly, high quality research and major publications did not always result in advancement or better working conditions for women, as they often did for their male counterparts. In fact, it was not uncommon for women of outstanding scientific accomplishment to hold positions that were not commensurate with their training and skills level. Moreover, many talented women received recognition for their scientific contributions only belatedly (usually in their obituaries or years after their achievements). Generally, science faculties at major research universities were more willing to educate women than to employ them. Likewise, universities tended to promote only the most exceptional women scientists.
According to Rossiter (1982), young male scientists were seen as the salvation of the scientific industry in the 1920s and 1930s. She contends that women, African American or Jewish scientists seeking industrial jobs were the victims of highly discriminatory employment practices. Rossiter argues that even when the advertisement did not include the phrase "male Christians only" it was common knowledge that only males need apply. For women scientists, World War II opened up employment opportunities in industry and expanded employment in government. Because of the personnel shortages that existed in the chemical industry during the war, women scientists did find employment. Generally, women's employment opportunities involved traditional areas of "women's work" (Rossiter, 1982). Historical and sociological research on the careers of men and women scientists show marked gender disparities in academic rank at the senior levels in terms of salary, promotion rates, positions of influence, and honorific awards (see Rossiter, 1982 and Zuckerman, 1987). It should be emphasized that the above discussion refers primarily to European American men and women. Similarly, discussion of African Americans usually refers primarily to men.
Only recently have scholars begun significant scholarly efforts to search for evidence of the African Americans' contributions to science. The achievements of many African American scientists have been largely hidden, ignored, or diminished in importance. Traditionally, the world of science was the private domain of European American males. Unlike the proliferation of studies of the careers of European American women doctoral scientists beginning in the 1970s, studies of the career patterns of African American doctoral scientists remain relatively scarce. Attempts to assess the status of African Americans in science are often sketchy (see Cole and Cole, 1973) and occasionally inaccurate (Rossiter, 1982). Consider, for example, Rossiter's (1982) contention that during the 1920s and 1930s, the best African American chemists, Percy Julian and L.A. Hall, could not get jobs in industry (p. 384, 14f). This assertion is contradicted by the very source she cites -- i.e., Louis Haber, Black Pioneers of Science and Invention New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1970. For example, Haber (1970) writes: "Julian began his work with the Glidden Company in 1936 (p. 94). Regarding Hall, he states, "... in 1916, his chemistry background secured him a position as a chemist in the Chicago Department of Health Laboratories, where, one year later, he rose to the position of senior chemist. Two years later, he left to become chief chemist for the John Morrell Company in Ohumwa, Iowa, where he remained for two years" (p. 105).
Bechtel (1989) argues that the scientific community reflects the values of the larger American society in its social structures, beliefs, and attitudes. And, like American society in general, American science reflects the dominance of European American males. He argues that historically the African American scientist was viewed as an anomaly and currently as a statistical rarity.
Although Zuckerman (1988) concludes that science appears to exhibit some of the same structures of discrimination as other occupations, she cautions that available data also suggest that the scientific community is marked by an intense commitment to achievement over ascription. She reports that her thorough review of the relevant literature reveals a lack of compelling evidence of discrimination in the American scientific community.
Because African-American scientists are conspicuously absent from studies of the career patterns of U.S. scientists, most studies of African American doctoral scientists do not involve racially comparative samples. One of the few exceptions is Pearson's (1985) study of the career patterns of a national sample of 722 White and 565 African-American Ph.D. scientists--social and natural. The results of the study called into question the extent to which the U.S. scientific community adheres to the norm of universalism. While some African American Ph.D. scientists were employed in other than historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs, most believed that their careers were restricted because of their racial status. The relevance of Zuckerman's conclusions to African American chemists is questionable, including her conclusion about discrimination in the U.S. scientific community. The review of these various studies provides compelling evidence of the need for the present study.
History of African Americans in
Chemistry
Traditionally, opportunities for African Americans to participate in the chemistry
profession were primarily limited to employment in racially segregated academic
institutions until the mid-1960s. Although most African American chemists held only
bachelors degrees, many who held graduate degrees earned them from the most prestigious
institutions. Keeping current on the rapidly advancing literature in chemistry was
particularly problematic in the South because African Americans were denied access to
public libraries.
In 1916, St. Elmo Brady became the first African American to earn a Ph.D. in chemistry from an American university. The first African American female, Marie M. Daly, is believed to have earned a Ph.D. in chemistry in 1947 from Columbia University. By 1935, at least 15 U.S.--born African Americans had earned doctorates in chemistry and chemical engineering. During this period, the attainment of a master's degree was an exceptional academic achievement for African Americans. Nevertheless, African American chemists continued to be fewer in number and proportion to other disciplines when compared to the overall population of college-educated African Americans.
By 1945, some forty-three African Americans held Ph.D.s in chemistry and chemical engineering. The Rosenwald Fellowships and the General Education Board Fellowships played a major role in increasing the number of African Americans earning Ph.D.s. It was during the 1940s that an increasing number of African American Ph.D. chemists began conducting research. World War II and the resulting war effort appear to have provided the first major opportunities for African Americans to gain employment outside predominantly black colleges and universities. This situation resulted from an acute labor shortage of scientific and technical personnel in the United States. During this period industrial laboratories and federal agencies began to employ African American scientists, especially chemists, allegedly on an experimental basis. The apparent success of these scientists led to increased employment opportunities for others.
Perhaps best known and most successful of the African Americans who worked as industrial chemists during this period were Percy L. Julian of the Glidden Company in Chicago and Lloyd A. Hall of Griffith Laboratories, also in Chicago. Julian's appointment as head of research at Glidden is considered by most scholars to be the turning point in employment for African American scientists in industry. African American chemists were also employed at Eastman Kodak, Bell Telephone, the National Bureau of Standards, and on the Manhattan Project.
It should be noted, however, that many of the opportunities for African Americans in the industrial and governmental sectors did not come without political intervention. The Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC) played a critical role in the increased opportunities for the employment of African Americans in government and in war-related industries by enforcing anti-discrimination laws. Upon its transfer to the War Manpower Commission, the FEPC initiatives actually improved, and so did its success. Pressure was exerted on the United States Employment Service to give preference to employers who did not discriminate against ethnic minorities.
The 1940s also witnessed a period of increased productivity in chemistry research at predominantly black colleges and universities, where most African American Ph.D. chemists were employed. During this period, major chemistry research projects were conducted at Howard University, Tuskegee Institute (now Tuskegee University) and Tennessee State University.
By 1969, there were approximately 186 African American Ph.D. chemists. Throughout their history, African Americans have been underrepresented in chemistry in general and among doctorate chemists in particular. Historically, African Americans have comprised less than, three percent of all chemistry degree recipients and less than one percent of those earning doctorates in chemistry in the United States. Between 1981 and 1991, there were 164 Ph.D.s awarded to African Americans in chemistry (42 of these degrees were earned by women). Of the 1,311 chemistry doctorates awarded by American universities to U.S. citizens in 1991, 14 and four were granted to African American males and females, respectively.
Federal figures for African American holders of chemistry bachelors and masters' degrees are usually included in the general category of physical scientists, most of whom are chemists. These data reveal that African Americans earned 753 bachelors and 72 masters degrees in the physical sciences in 1991.
A similar situation prevails for those employed as chemists. The figures reveal that in 1988, 4,800 of the 197,000 employed chemists and 1,700 of the 148,500 employed chemical engineers were African Americans. Among the 44,000 employed doctoral chemists, 500 were African Americans.
During the same year, there were 100 African Americans among the 6,900 employed doctoral chemical engineers. For comparative purposes, consider that African Americans account for roughly 12 percent of total U.S. population, approximately 10 percent of the total work force employment, and about 7 percent of all employed professional and related workers.
Despite their underrepresentation in the chemical profession in the United States, African Americans have achieved some success and recognition in the scientific community. For example, in 1973 Percy L. Julian was elected to the National Academy of Sciences. In 1975, Walter Lincoln Hawkins was elected to the National Academy of Engineering. In 1992, President Bush awarded Hawkins the prestigious National Medal of Technologies for inventing plastic coatings for communication cable. The late Henry A. Hill was the first African American elected president of the American Chemical Society; he held this office from 1975 to 1977. Few Americans (especially scientists) are honored with their portrait on the postage stamp. However, at least two African American chemists have achieved this honor. In 1948, George Washington Carver was honored on a commemorative three-cent United States stamp. In 1993, Julian received this honor.
Data and Methods
Research for this study was conducted over a two-year period ending in 1995. As part
of a larger national study, the names and addresses of approximately 380 African American
doctoral chemists were collected from several sources, including personal data files;
newspapers, journals, magazines, television and radio programs targeted toward African
American audiences; and biographical sources. Additionally, a snowball sampling procedure
was used. That is, chemists were requested to supply the names and addresses of other
African American chemists. Typically, a chemist received permission from a colleague to
submit his/her name and relevant biographical data. The list of chemists was authenticated
for ethnicity and doctoral degree receipt in chemistry. Excluded from the enumeration were
chemists who held unearned doctorates, were non-U.S. citizens or were foreign-born and
received their high school education outside of the U.S. (exclusive of American schools in
foreign countries). In any discussion of the status of African American chemists, it must
be pointed out that the social background of foreign-born Blacks is not identical to, and
may be very different from U.S.-born African Americans (see Jaret, 1995:410-41 1).
Of the 380 doctoral chemists identified, 45 chemists were randomly selected and mailed letters requesting participation in a personal structured interview. Chemists who had not responded after one month were sent follow-up letters every two weeks up to two waves. Responses were received from 46 chemists. Of these, one chemist initially agreed to participate in the study but could not be reached to be scheduled for the interview. These procedures resulted in a 98 percent response rate. While the study achieved an enviable response rate, no attempt is made to generalize because the actual parameter of the population is unknown. That is, no attempt is made to argue that the larger study is a census of all African American doctoral chemists. Nevertheless, we believe that the enumeration is an acceptable representation.
Except for one telephone interview, all subjects were personally interviewed. Typically, interviews averaged about two hours. Interviews have advantages over mailed questionnaires insofar as they permit the researcher to probe into facets of the career, such as career dilemmas, compromises, ambivalence, and perceptions of historical events. Such data are virtually impossible to obtain otherwise. The interview data provide a much fuller understanding of the career experiences of African American doctoral chemists.
Findings
Demographic Background
Of the 44 respondents, seven are women, and 37 are men. With respect to age, the subjects
ranged in age from 86 to 31. The median age of the sample was 57. However, the median age
for women was considerably lower--40. In terms of region of birth most (57%) respondents
had their origins in the South, followed by the North (30%), East (9%) and West (5%).
Regardless of geographic region and age cohort, the vast majority of respondents grew up
(pre-college years) in communities that were racially segregated. In terms of family of
orientation, a majority of the subjects were reared by both parents. Most of the
respondents grew up in families with three siblings. Interestingly, about two-fifths of
the subjects were first-borns. Nearly one half (48%) of the mothers of respondents were
housewives during their precollege years. The occupations of the remaining mothers were
primarily classified as domestics, laborers, clerical. However, small percentage included
several school teachers, a college professor, and a medical doctor. Contrastly, the
fathers of the respondents were mostly laborers. Among the small numbers of fathers
holding professional jobs, most were postal workers, school principals, or small business
owners. However, two of the fathers held college or university administrative positions
and one was a physician. For the most part, parental occupations reflected the overall
level of education of the respondents' parents. For example, roughly two-fifths of mothers
and fathers were not high school graduates. In general, mothers tended to have higher
levels of education than the fathers. The parents of chemists born in the 1960s and beyond
tended to have higher levels of education than previous cohorts.
As regards marital status, men were considerably more than women to be married (60% versus 14%). Women, on the other hand, were more likely than the men to be divorced (29% versus 19%) or never married (43% versus 2.7%). The median number of children of ever-married subjects was two. Approximately, two-fifths of the respondents reported no religious preference, while one-half indicated that they Protestant (usually Baptist or Methodist). The remainders were Catholic or affiliated with other religions.
High School
Typically, interests in mathematics and science emerge in the elementary and middle
school years. On average, mathematical interest preceded scientific interest.
Scientific interests appear to be related to an in-school experiment, a television program
(G. E.), or a life experience involving nature. While interest in science emerged in the
elementary and middle school years, interest in and the decision to pursue a career in
chemistry was usually made in the senior year of high school or in college. This was due
largely to exposure to the first chemistry course. However, this career decision was made
with limited knowledge of career opportunities, The decision to pursue a career in
chemistry tended to be attributed to a chemistry teacher's ability to present the
curriculum material in a challenging, exciting, and relevant manner--with hands-on
activities. Although most were in the top fifth of their senior classes (including many
valedictorians), several graduates of predominantly white high schools reported that
European American counselors rarely encouraged intended majors in chemistry. One chemist
who attended a predominantly white high school in the Midwest recalled finishing first in
the senior class but the honor was given to an European American. A majority of subjects
attended high schools that were predominantly Black. Most respondents applied to college
(usually historically Black institutions) with an intended major in chemistry.
College
Approximately, one-fifth of the subjects changed majors (from mathematics,
engineering, biology, and pre-medicine) to chemistry. A majority of the
"switchers" reported initial plans of a chemistry major to pursue a medical
career. As undergraduates, few subjects attended or presented papers at professional
meetings. The few exceptions tended to be at historically Black colleges and universities
where attendance and presentations at professional meetings usually involved predominately
Black scientific societies. During the sophomore year, most subjects developed a close
relationship with a chemistry faculty member. The faculty member extended an invitation to
the subject to work in his (pronoun chosen deliberately) lab and constantly reinforced the
subject's talent to do chemistry at the highest level. This mentor/mentee relationship
served as a key anticipatory socializing agent. African American graduates of
predominantly white colleges and universities were usually the only African Americans in
their department and reported that faculty generally had low expectations of their ability
to do leading-edge research. Despite their stellar honorific achievements in high school,
few subjects won honors in chemistry or graduated with honors. For most subjects, the
decision to attend graduate school was made early in the senior year, while a small
minority decided a few years after college. For many, there was no clear understanding of
the prestige rankings of chemistry doctoral departments. Graduates of historically Black
colleges and universities were more likely to have applied to their mentor's former
graduate schools.
Graduate School
Subjects reporting meaningful undergraduate research experiences had easier adjustment
to graduate school. A greater proportion of graduates of historically Black colleges and
universities than predominantly white colleges and universities reported deficiencies in
their college education that required remediation, especially in mathematics, writing and
instrumentation. Towards the end of the first year, a close relationship emerged between
the subject and faculty member (usually a Jewish male). Subjects who reported the highest
level of satisfaction with the quality of teaching in college expressed more
dissatisfaction with the quality of teaching in graduate school, especially at the most
prestigious departments. Most subjects reported that faculty (including some mentors) held
low expectations regarding their ability to make a significant contribution to chemistry.
Paternalistic relationships seem to have existed between some subjects and their mentor.
Although most subjects were members of the American Chemical Society (ACS), few reported
attending and presenting papers at national or regional meetings. Nevertheless, a
substantial majority of subjects reported predoctoral publications. However, few subjects
indicated collaborating on a grant proposal with a faculty member. Regardless of
undergraduate origins, writing was cited as the greatest weakness.
Postdoctoral Study
Few subjects reported having had postdoctoral study. Most who had postdocs were
pursuing careers outside of historically Black colleges and universities. Those earning
doctorates prior to the mid-1960's indicated that the postdoctoral study was uncommon for
their respective cohorts. By the 1980's, it was common for subjects to pursue postdoctoral
study usually to further specialize and produce more published research in order to be
more competitive on the job market.
Career Patterns and Experiences
Prior to the mid-1960s and early 1970's, historically Black colleges and universities
and, to a lesser extent, government were favored sites to launch a career. Subjects in
predominately white employment settings more often reported a feeling of isolation and, a
feeling of being under a microscope because they were usually the only African American on
faculty/staff. Moreover, most reported direct experience with the glass ceiling. A
majority of academicians believed the criteria for tenure and promotion were reasonable
but often were not formally specified in writing. Academicians, regardless of
institutional affiliation, reported difficulty in securing external funding sufficient to
sustain a lab. Post-1980's graduates of some of nation's most prestigious departments
expressed considerable disappointment that they began their careers in settings similar to
graduates of far less prestigious departments. Those who had attended some of the most
selective undergraduate and graduate schools expressed a strong sense of betrayal because
many believed that the prestige of their degree(s) would overcome any disadvantages
associated with their racial status. In short, many appear to have internalized what
Merton calls the norm of universalism--i.e., that in science, ascribed statuses such as
race and gender are functionally irrelevant.
Race and the American Chemistry Community
Most graduates of predominantly White colleges and universities reported a general
absence of African American chemistry faculty on the undergraduate and especially the
graduate levels. Most reported no or only one or two African American classmates. All
subjects indicated that they did not have any doubts about selecting a career in
chemistry. In fact, their love for chemistry continued in spite of some very negative
experiences. There was considerable agreement that good chemistry will be recognized.
Nevertheless, it was emphasized that recognition comes slower for African Americans. Also,
there was a general consensus that no African American chemist has produced Nobel
Prize-level research (Percy Julian mentioned as a strong candidate). A number of subjects
believed that Adolphus Mulligan would have had the greatest chance for the prize had he
lived longer. There was considerable agreement on the most productive contemporary African
American chemists.
Most subjects believed that merit alone did not determine the distribution of federal research funding. Nearly all believed that there is a need to expand the pool of African American Ph.D. chemists, regardless of employment trends. Several reasons were offered, including starting own businesses, teaching the next generation of African American chemists, etc. In fact, most emphasized that all students (especially African Americans) should have more exposure to the contributions of African Americans to science, as well as to the importance of science to society. A majority called for improvements in the quality of math and science teaching, especially at the kindergarten through twelfth grade level.
Women respondents reported experiences similar to those of other women in the science studies literature. That is, gender matters. Several women indicated the chemistry community in general is male dominated and sexist and that the most prominent predominantly Black chemistry organization is no different. A number of women indicated that they were not members of the invisible college--the network of gatekeepers. Most of these respondents believed that they had to overcome more barriers because they were both Black and female. Some women reported that they were not taken serious when presenting their research or asking a question at a professional meeting. One woman noted that the women in her department tended to have heavier course loads and that male students did not take them as seriously as they did the male professors.
About the Authors
Dr. Willie Pearson, Jr., is Wake Forest Professor of Sociology and Professor of Medical Education at Wake Forest University Medical School Winston-Salem, NC, USA. He has published extensively on the sociology of science. His most recent book is Who Will Do Science (with Alan Fechter, 1994, Johns Hopkins University Press). His article, "Race, Gender, and the Baccalaureate Origins of Ph.D. Chemists" (co-authors E. Hoban and C. Ness), is in press and will be in the Journal of Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering. He teaches courses on the family, race and ethnic relations, social problems, and the sociology of higher education.
Dr. Cheryl B. Leggon is Associate Professor of Sociology at Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC, USA. She has published with Willie Pearson, Jr., on underrepresented groups in the sciences: "Who Will Do Science in the United States? Implications for Indigenous Minorities," Los Grandes Problemas de la Ciencia y La Technologia, (Robert Varela and Leticia Mayer, editors. Universidad Autonoma de Mexico) and "The Baccalaureate Origins of African American Female Ph.D. Scientists, Journal of Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering, (3:213-224). Her most recent article is "The Scientist as Academic" Daedalus, 126:221-244. She teaches courses on the sociology of work, women in professions, and women in science.
Contact Address
Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, North Carolina, USA